After the United States and Israel launched joint strikes on Iran on Saturday, killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and several senior officials, Tehran moved quickly to respond.<\/p>\n
Iran said its retaliation targeted Israel and US-linked military sites across the region, including in Gulf states that host US forces.<\/p>\n list of 3 items<\/span>end of list<\/span><\/section>\n The opening exchange has sharpened the central question for regional capitals and global markets: Will this remain a cycle of reciprocal strikes, or will it evolve into a longer campaign shaped by Iran\u2019s strike reach, allied forces and pressure on shipping and energy infrastructure?<\/p>\n At the heart of the question is Iran\u2019s missile arsenal and the other platforms and tools at its disposal to inflict pain on the US and others.<\/p>\n Unlike the 12-day war that the US and Israel waged on Iran in June 2025, Khamenei\u2019s killing appears to have convinced Tehran that the clash is a battle for the Islamic Republic\u2019s very survival.<\/p>\n In Tehran\u2019s narrative, delayed or restrained retaliation risks being seen as weakness and an invitation to further attacks.<\/p>\n On Sunday, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said seeking revenge for the killing of Khamenei and other senior officials is the country\u2019s \u201cduty and legitimate right\u201d.<\/p>\n But what are the ways in which Iran is taking that \u201crevenge\u201d?<\/p>\n Iran\u2019s missile force is central to how it fights and signals. Defence analysts describe it as the Middle East\u2019s largest and most varied, spanning ballistic and cruise missiles, and designed to give Tehran reach even without a modern air force.<\/p>\n Iranian officials cast the country\u2019s missile programme as the backbone of deterrence, in part because the air force relies on ageing aircraft. Western governments argue that Iran\u2019s missiles fuel regional instability and could support a future nuclear delivery role \u2013 a claim Tehran rejects.<\/p>\n The longest-range Iranian ballistic missiles can travel between 2,000km (1,243 miles) and 2,500km (1,553 miles). That means that these missiles can reach Israel, US-linked bases across the Gulf and much of the wider region \u2014 but contrary to claims by Trump and some in his orbit, these missiles cannot come close to reaching the US.<\/p>\n Short-range ballistic missiles \u2013 roughly 150-800km (93-500 miles) \u2013 are built for nearby military targets and rapid regional strikes.<\/p>\n Core systems include the Fateh variants: Zolfaghar, Qiam-1 and older Shahab-1\/2 missiles. Their shorter range can be an advantage in a crisis. They can be launched in volleys, compressing warning time and making pre-emption harder.<\/p>\n Iran used this playbook in January 2020, firing ballistic missiles at Iraq\u2019s Ain al-Assad airbase after the US killed Qassem Soleimani, the country\u2019s highest-profile general. The attack damaged infrastructure and left more than 100 US personnel with traumatic brain injuries, demonstrating that Iran could inflict high costs without matching US air power.<\/p>\n If short-range missiles are Iran\u2019s rapid-volley answer, medium-range ballistic missiles \u2013 roughly 1,500-2,000km (900-1,200 miles) \u2013 are what turn retaliation into a regional equation. Systems such as Shahab-3, Emad, Ghadr-1, the Khorramshahr variants and Sejjil underpin Iran\u2019s ability to hit further afield, alongside newer designs like Kheibar Shekan and Haj Qassem.<\/p>\n Sejjil stands out as a solid-fuel system, generally allowing faster launch readiness than liquid-fuel missiles \u2013 an advantage if Iran expects incoming strikes and needs survivable, responsive options.<\/p>\n Taken together, these medium-range missiles place Israel and a wide arc of US-linked facilities in Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates within range, widening both Iran\u2019s target list and the region\u2019s exposure.<\/p>\n Cruise missiles fly low, can hug terrain, and are often harder to detect and track \u2013 especially when launched alongside drones or ballistic salvoes designed to overload air defences.<\/p>\n Iran is widely assessed to field land-attack and antiship cruise missiles, such as Soumar, Ya-Ali, the Quds variants, Hoveyzeh, Paveh and Ra\u2019ad. The Soumar has a range of 2,500km (1,553 miles).<\/p>\n Drones add another layer of pressure. Slower than missiles but cheaper and easier to launch in large numbers, one-way attack drones may be used in repeated waves to wear down air defences and keep airports, ports and energy sites on rolling alert for hours, not minutes. Analysts say this saturation tactic is likely to feature more prominently if the confrontation deepens.<\/p>\n Missile numbers matter, but in a sustained confrontation, the key question is how long Iran can keep firing after absorbing strikes.<\/p>\n Tehran has spent years hardening parts of its programme in underground storage tunnels, concealed bases and protected launch sites across the country. That network makes it harder to quickly degrade Iran\u2019s ability to launch, and forces adversaries to assume that some capability will survive even a large first wave of attacks.<\/p>\n For military planners, that survivability means decisions to further hit Iran\u2019s missile infrastructure carry the risk of prolonged exchanges rather than a short, decisive campaign.<\/p>\n Iran\u2019s deterrence playbook is not limited to land targets. The Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz<\/a>, through which a significant share of the world\u2019s traded oil and gas passes, give Tehran a fast route to shake global markets.<\/p>\n Iran can threaten naval forces and commercial shipping using antiship missiles, naval mines, drones and fast-attack craft. It has also showcased what it calls \u201chypersonic\u201d systems, such as the Fattah series, touting very high speeds and manoeuvrability, though independent evidence about their operational status remains limited.<\/p>\nRecommended Stories <\/h2>\n
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