Assam, India<\/strong> \u2013 Amoiya Medhi says attending an election rally organised by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in her hometown in India\u2019s northeastern state of Assam is a matter of both religious compulsion and personal gratitude.<\/p>\n On March 29, Medhi was among thousands of men and women who thronged the rally held on the outskirts of Jagiroad, an industrial town in central Assam\u2019s Morigaon district, ahead of the state assembly election scheduled on Thursday.<\/p>\n list of 4 items<\/span>end of list<\/span><\/section>\n Nitin Nabin, the BJP\u2019s national president and chief guest at the event, trumpeted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma\u2019s government \u2013 schemes that Nabin claimed benefitted the Assamese people, especially women.<\/p>\n Medhi, 38, nodded in agreement as she listened attentively to the speeches. \u201cThis government has done so much for everyone, including women,\u201d she told Al Jazeera. \u201cI am going to only vote for the BJP.\u201d<\/p>\n Like Medhi, dozens of women attending the rally said they were the beneficiaries of multiple government schemes, including Orunodoi, a direct benefit transfer scheme that saw nearly four million women receive 9,000 rupees each on March 10 \u2013 the largest such disbursement in the state\u2019s history, which included a three-month bonus to mark the Bihu festival held in April.<\/p>\n The disbursement came barely a month before Thursday\u2019s vote in which Sarma, 57, is seeking a third consecutive term for his party.<\/p>\n Since becoming the chief minister in 2021, Sarma has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda (popularly known as \u201cHindutva\u201d) coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting Muslims. They constitute 34 percent of Assam\u2019s 31 million population, according to the last census conducted in 2011. That\u2019s the highest among Indian states, with only the federally-governed territories of Indian-administered Kashmir and Lakshadweep higher.<\/p>\n An overwhelming nine million of Assam\u2019s 10.3 million Muslims speak Bengali and not Assamese. They historically migrated to Assam in waves \u2013 a majority of them moving during British rule, when Bengali-speaking Hindu and Muslim communities moved from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) to work in Assam\u2019s tea estates and rice fields.<\/p>\n For decades, the BJP and other Hindu groups have labelled the Bengali-speaking Muslims as \u201cforeigners\u201d, accusing them of being undocumented immigrants from Bangladesh. Assam founded special tribunals to try these Muslims, sending hundreds to detention centres built across the state.<\/p>\n Thousands of \u201cmiya\u201d, as Bengali-speaking Muslims in Assam are pejoratively called, have also been declared \u201cdoubtful\u201d voters. The \u201cmiya\u201d issue has shaped the BJP\u2019s politics in Assam. Leading the charge against them, Sarma himself publicly admitted that he had instructed BJP workers to file an objection with the Election Commission of India to remove half a million Bengali-speaking Muslims from electoral rolls.<\/p>\n In 2024, Sarma told the state assembly that his government \u201cwill take sides\u201d and \u201cwill not let miya Muslims take over all of Assam\u201d. Two months ago, a 17-second artificial intelligence-generated video, produced and shared by the BJP on X, showed Sarma holding a rifle and shooting at pictures of two Muslim men, with the caption saying: \u201cNo Mercy\u201d. The clip, titled \u2018Point Blank Shot\u2019, was deleted after outrage.<\/p>\n Champa Hira, another woman attending the Morigaon rally, said while the BJP\u2019s financial aid and other welfare schemes have been a major draw, her support for the party goes beyond financial benefits.<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cFor us, it is also about protecting our Hindu identity,\u201d she told Al Jazeera.<\/p>\n \u201cOur Hindu religion is born out of the lotus,\u201d Hira said, referring to the BJP\u2019s election symbol. \u201cWe will let the lotus bloom once again for such schemes and also for our Hindu identities.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n In the run-up to the polls, the BJP\u2019s political messaging on roadside billboards, wall graffiti and posters had the party showcase its anti-Muslim policies pursued in the past decade.<\/p>\n The party boasts about clearing around 20,000 hectares of government land \u2013 an area more than three-and-a-half-times the size of Manhattan \u2013 from the \u201cosinaki manuh\u201d (\u201cstrange people\u201d \u2013 a veiled reference to Bengali-speaking Muslims). The eviction drives, which intensified after Sarma became the chief minister in 2021, are a part of the BJP\u2019s \u201cwar\u201d on Bengali-speaking Muslims to \u201creclaim every inch of land\u201d allegedly encroached by them. Without providing evidence, Sarma has repeatedly accused the Bengali-speaking Muslims of a conspiracy to change Assam\u2019s demography and reduce Hindus to a minority. The government\u2019s crackdown also saw dozens of Muslims \u201cpushed back\u201d to Bangladesh \u2013 their alleged homeland \u2013 or their properties bulldozed.<\/p>\n Alongside such hardline policies targeting Muslims, the BJP also touted the launching of various welfare schemes for women and youth. And has promised an increase in financial aid from $13 to over $32 in the Orunodoi cash transfer scheme. In the Udyamita scheme, an entrepreneurial fund reserved for rural women to bootstrap their businesses, the increase is from $107 to $269.<\/p>\n Akhil Ranjan Dutta, who teaches political science\u00a0at Assam\u2019s Gauhati University, says the Hindu nationalist party is using a strategy that mixes \u201cheightened polarisation and a developmental pitch\u201d to woo the Assamese voters.<\/p>\n \u201cTo me, it is a cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism,\u201d Dutta told Al Jazeera. \u201cThe BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.\u201d<\/p>\n BJP spokesman in Assam, Kishore Upadhyay, rejected the allegation, claiming the government\u2019s eviction drives were not targeted at any community.<\/p>\n \u201cIt is directed only against illegal encroachment, irrespective of religion or identity. Unfortunately, successive Congress governments in the past allowed or even facilitated such illegal settlements, creating today\u2019s challenges,\u201d he told Al Jazeera.<\/p>\n \u201cIt is also important to highlight that this is about restoring land rights of indigenous and tribal communities, protecting forest areas and ensuring proper land governance.\u201d<\/p>\n The Bengali-speaking Muslims say the BJP\u2019s election promises have heightened their anxiety. In its manifesto, the party has promised more crackdowns on the community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which, according to critics, will override Muslim personal laws on marriage, divorce and inheritance.<\/p>\n The Uniform Civil Code, a longstanding demand from Hindu groups, is already in place in two BJP-ruled states, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi\u2019s home state of Gujarat. The BJP has also promised a pushback against \u201cLove Jihad\u201d, an unproven conspiracy theory floated by right-wing Hindu groups, under which Muslim men allegedly lure Hindu women into marriage and convert them to Islam.<\/p>\n A former Assamese parliamentarian from the main opposition Congress party, who requested anonymity fearing reprisal from the government, agreed with political scientist Dutta. \u201cThe BJP has managed to turn Hindus against Muslims and enjoy support,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n Opposition parties and analysts say the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes \u2013 Orunodoi and Udyamita \u2013 to influence voters in this election.<\/p>\n In December 2025 and January this year, the government distributed cheques of $107 each under the Udyamita scheme. Additionally, it withheld a monthly honorarium of $13 for poor women under the Orunodoi scheme for three months, but handed it out last month in the run-up to the election.<\/p>\n Isfaqur Rahman of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) said the Sarma government\u2019s disbursement of cash only days before the polls will help it in securing significant numbers of female votes. \u201cIf cash is disbursed to them on the eve of the election after making the beneficiaries wait, it will help influence their choice to vote,\u201d Rahman told Al Jazeera. \u201cThis is nothing more than vote buying by the BJP.\u201d<\/p>\n Economist Joydeep Baruah agreed, saying that distributing a lump sum of money will \u201cbear a positive political result for the ruling party\u201d, as he estimated that that at least 10 to 15 percent of the scheme\u2019s four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.<\/p>\n \u201cWhile the rural wages in Assam have been stagnant due to a growing unemployment, the Orunodoi financial aid converts into 10-15 percent of their monthly income,\u201d said Baruah, who teaches economics at state-run Krishna Kanta Handiqui State Open University in Assam\u2019s main city of Guwahati.<\/p>\n Baruah said such populist schemes help in sustaining pro-incumbency.<\/p>\n \u201cThat way, the BJP is establishing more of a patron-client relationship, with patrons being the BJP and the clients being the beneficiaries,\u201d he told Al Jazeera. \u201cSuch a transactional relationship materialises on the ground.\u201d<\/p>\n Dipika Baruah, a 34-year-old woman in Kathiatoli town in central Assam\u2019s Nagaon district \u2013 who is not related to economist Baruah \u2013 said the government grants empowered her to live with dignity.<\/p>\n \u201cThe money helped me keep the flame in my stove going,\u201d she told Al Jazeera as she shopped at Mama Bazar, a marketplace named after Sarma, who is fondly called \u201cmama\u201d (maternal uncle in Assamese and Bengali) by his supporters. \u201cThis was possible because of mama. Women will only vote for Mama.\u201d<\/p>\n Pre-poll surveys in Assam also suggest that cash transfer schemes will help the BJP consolidate votes in its favour.<\/p>\n An opinion poll conducted by political research firm, Vote Vibe, revealed that 54 percent of respondents believe the government\u2019s cash transfer schemes will consolidate and even attract opposition voters. The survey also showed 38 percent of female respondents saying the schemes had strengthened the BJP\u2019s voter base, while 21 percent of females said the schemes will poach opposition votes.<\/p>\n BJP spokesman Upadhyay told Al Jazeera the allegations of influencing voters by transferring cash before the election are \u201cfactually incorrect and politically motivated\u201d.<\/p>\n \u201cIt [Orunodoi] is a long-standing welfare initiative aimed at supporting economically vulnerable women-led households, not a last-minute electoral measure,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n Back at the BJP rally in Morigaon, where its leaders delivered fiery speeches calling for the expulsion of \u201cinfiltrators from Bangladesh\u201d, Amir Ali\u00a0remembered his sister Afsana.<\/p>\n On February 18, 1983, one-year-old Afsana was among an estimated 1,800 Bengali-speaking Muslims massacred by a Hindu and Indigenous mob in what came to be known as the Nellie massacre. The killings were in 14 villages, including Ali\u2019s Matiparbat, a 40-minute drive from where the BJP rally was held.<\/p>\n Ali, now in his 50s, said he attended the BJP rally only to prove that he is not an \u201cillegal immigrant\u201d but a citizen of the state.<\/p>\n \u201cWhen children were massacred, we had no choice but to vote to prove that we are not illegal Bangladeshis,\u201d he told Al Jazeera. \u201cLikewise, we have no choice now but to prove we are not infiltrators or \u2018strangers\u2019 as Sarma claims.\u201d<\/p>\n In a quaint corner of Jagiroad town, Noorjamal shares Ali\u2019s sentiments. Two years ago, he was rendered homeless after the houses of nearly 8,000 Muslims were bulldozed during a government eviction drive.<\/p>\n \u201cThe chief minister says he is evicting Bangladeshis from government land, but how are we Bangladeshis if my father and forefathers were born and died in India?\u201d Noorjamal\u2019s mother Maherbanu Nessa asked.<\/p>\n \u201cThe way Himanta \u2018mama\u2019 is bulldozing our homes, he might as well just kill us all at once.\u201d<\/p>\n In a communication sent to India\u2019s Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva, the United Nations Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) said on January 19 this year that Bengali-speaking Muslims in Assam are facing racial discrimination, resulting in forced evictions, hate speech and excessive use of force by the law-enforcement agencies.<\/p>\n An investigation by The New Humanitarian, an independent news outlet, published on March 24 found that between May 2021, when Sarma became Assam\u2019s chief minister, and early 2026, more than 22,000 structures were demolished and 20,380 families evicted in the state, an overwhelming majority of them being Bengali-speaking Muslims.<\/p>\n As Sarma\u2019s BJP vows to \u201cbreak the backbone of miyas\u201d after the election, Ali and Nessa worry about survival amid such hostilities.<\/p>\n \u201cWe have nothing to resist this cruel government but prayers and our votes,\u201d Ali told Al Jazeera. \u201cBut maybe, if not today, then someday we will find peace in this land. We are still hopeful.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n Assam, India \u2013 Amoiya Medhi says attending an election rally organised by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in her hometown in India\u2019s northeastern state of Assam is a matter of both religious compulsion and personal gratitude. On March 29, Medhi was among thousands of men and women who thronged the rally held on the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":17831,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-17830","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-asia-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17830","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=17830"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17830\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/17831"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=17830"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=17830"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=17830"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Recommended Stories <\/h2>\n
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