Baghdad, Iraq \u2013<\/strong> It\u2019s been more than five months since Iraq\u2019s parliamentary elections, but the Coordination Framework \u2013 the largest parliamentary bloc of Shia parties \u2013 has failed to choose its prime ministerial candidate amid internal power struggles.<\/p>\n The incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who is eyeing a second term, is facing a challenge from the bloc led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki \u2013 a pro-Iran divisive figure whose candidacy is being opposed by the United States.<\/p>\n list of 4 items<\/span>end of list<\/span><\/section>\n The Coordination Framework \u2013 which commands approximately 185 of 329 seats in parliament \u2013 must nominate a prime minister by April 26, as required by the Iraqi constitution, while the country faces the delicate task of balancing its ties between the US and its influential eastern neighbour, Iran.<\/p>\n Baghdad is in a tight diplomatic spot as the US-Israel war on Iran has spilled into Iraq, with pro-Iranian armed groups having carried out attacks on US assets in solidarity with Tehran.<\/p>\n Iran, which wields considerable influence over Iraqi politics, has also been involved in the political crisis. It has cultivated Shia parties following the removal of President Saddam Hussein in the 2003 US-led military invasion.<\/p>\n Ismail Qaani, the head of the Quds Force, the foreign branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), visited Baghdad at the weekend, aiming to break the leadership deadlock, according to sources.<\/p>\n His unannounced visit apparently came at the request of the caretaker Prime Minister al-Sudani to convince the Shia Coordination Framework not to nominate Bassem al-Badri, who is aligned with Maliki, as prime minister, according to a source familiar with the discussions.<\/p>\n Falih al-Fayadh, chairman of the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) and a senior figure in al-Sudani\u2019s Reconstruction and Development Coalition, mediated the visit, the source said. The PMF, also known as al-Hashd al-Shaabi, is an umbrella organisation of mostly Shia armed groups, some of whom have close ties to Iran. They are part of \u201cthe Axis of Resistance\u201d \u2013 a network of political and armed groups allied with Iran across the Middle East.<\/p>\n The US has been wary of Iran\u2019s influence through its allied groups, such as Yemen\u2019s Houthis and Lebanon\u2019s Hezbollah \u2013 the most powerful members of the Network.<\/p>\n Qaani met with Abu Fadak al-Mohammadawi, the PMF\u2019s chief of staff, as well as al-Maliki, al-Sudani, and several other Coordination Framework leaders. A separate source said al-Mohammadawi is leading efforts within the Framework to block al-Sudani\u2019s bid for a second term.<\/p>\n \u201cThe Iranians face a bigger existential challenge \u2013 the US-Israeli war \u2013 and are not interested in settling the Iraqi PM file. They want a weak prime minister through whom they can get what they want,\u201d said Akeel Abbas, a Washington-based researcher.<\/p>\n Political appointments to the top democratic posts have often exposed sectarian and ethnic divisions. Under Iraq\u2019s power-sharing system (Muhasasa), in place since the first government formation after the 2003 US-led invasion, the presidency goes to the Kurds, the speakership to Sunni Arabs and the post of prime minister to Shia Arabs.<\/p>\n On April 11, Nizar Amedi was appointed president after months of political haggling. Now the Coordination Framework must nominate a prime minister within 15 days from the president\u2019s appointment.<\/p>\n The Framework\u2019s general secretariat has called a meeting for Monday at the residence of Ammar al-Hakim, head of the National State Forces Alliance, a core member of the Shia bloc, with a single agenda item: selecting the prime ministerial candidate.<\/p>\n According to a source inside the Framework, the last three meetings on the matter were postponed because leaders could not agree on a name.<\/p>\n Framework leaders are seeking a prime minister who cannot compete with the larger Shia bloc. Unlike al-Sudani and al-Maliki, who lead their own political parties, al-Badri is emerging as a preferred option.<\/p>\n Al-Sudani\u2019s Reconstruction and Development Coalition has 46 seats, and Maliki\u2019s Dawa party commands 29 seats in the parliament.<\/p>\n Al-Badri is the current head of the Accountability and Justice Commission, the body responsible for implementing de-Baathification \u2013 the system to remove former ruling Baath party members from Iraqi state institutions.<\/p>\n Qais al-Khazali is leader of Asa\u2019ib Ahl al-Haq and its political wing, the Sadiqoun bloc within the Framework, which holds 27 parliamentary seats. In a 2022 TV interview, he publicly argued that the prime minister should not monopolise state decisions and must return to the Framework on all political, security, and economic matters.<\/p>\n Al-Badri fits that template. He currently has the backing of seven of the Framework\u2019s 12 leaders. He needs eight \u2013 a two-thirds majority required by the bloc\u2019s internal rules \u2013 to secure the nomination, according to two sources from different parties within the Framework. It remains unclear whether Qaani\u2019s visit has shifted that equation.<\/p>\n \u201cAl-Maliki knows he cannot pass, especially after US President Trump\u2019s post on X,\u201d said Mehdi Khaz\u2019al, a political analyst and head of the Al-Kalima Foundation for Dialogue and Development. In January, Trump said that Iraq would be making a \u201cvery bad choice\u201d should it choose al-Maliki.<\/p>\n \u201cLast time Maliki was in power, the Country descended into poverty and total chaos. That should not be allowed to happen again,\u201d Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.<\/p>\n \u201cBecause of his insane policies and ideologies, if elected, the United States of America will no longer help Iraq,\u201d he said. If we are not there to help, Iraq has ZERO chance of Success, Prosperity, or Freedom. MAKE IRAQ GREAT AGAIN!\u201d<\/p>\n Al-Maliki, who entered the race in January, dubbed Trump\u2019s threats as a \u201cviolation of Iraqi sovereignty\u201d. But Iraqi politicians can ill afford to take on Trump at a time when the country\u2019s oil exports have plummeted in the wake of the Iran war.<\/p>\n \u201cThat is why al-Maliki is backing al-Badri as an alternative candidate. But there is no winning formula inside the Framework yet, and there won\u2019t be one until the results of the Iranian-US negotiations become clear,\u201d Khaz\u2019al told Al Jazeera.<\/p>\n A US Embassy official in Baghdad said it does not have a preference for any candidate, except for the opposition to al-Maliki.<\/p>\n \u201cWe are committed to President Trump\u2019s instructions, which stated clearly that the United States will halt support for Iraq if al-Maliki is elected prime minister. Otherwise, we do not have preferences on who\u2019s going to be the prime minister,\u201d said the American embassy official.<\/p>\n The US administration views al-Maliki as part of Iran\u2019s direct network of influence and fears his return would undermine American efforts to weaken Iran\u2019s reach in Iraq.<\/p>\n During his term as prime between 2006 and 2014, al-Maliki was accused of pursuing policies of exclusion of Sunnis from state institutions under the guise of de-Baathification. His sectarian politics have been blamed for the rise of ISIL (ISIS) in Iraq.<\/p>\n Despite the US stance, al-Maliki\u2019s State of Law Coalition remains publicly committed to his candidacy.<\/p>\n \u201cThe Framework\u2019s officially announced candidate for the premiership has not been replaced,\u201d Hisham al-Rekabi, director of Maliki\u2019s office, wrote on X.<\/p>\n \u201cWhat is needed today is a clear resolution \u2013 just as the nomination was made, it can be withdrawn through the same mechanism and a new nomination can proceed without delay.\u201d<\/p>\n But a source inside the State of Law Coalition pointed to the intensity of American pressure. Tom Barrack, the US Ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy to Syria, told al-Maliki that if he steps aside, the United States would accept any candidate of his choosing, the source said. \u201cWe are holding on to our right to determine the head of government,\u201d the source told Al Jazeera.<\/p>\n The US position on al-Badri remains unclear. Multiple sources inside the Framework said they have not received any American messages regarding his candidacy, despite al-Badri being a member of al-Maliki\u2019s Dawa party, and facing accusations that the commission he leads has applied de-Baathification selectively.<\/p>\n Before al-Maliki\u2019s nomination, clear American messages rejecting his candidacy had arrived. But if Washington decides to act on Trump\u2019s warnings, it has a broad range of tools at its disposal.<\/p>\n A presidential executive order, originally issued by President George W Bush after the Iraq War, grants legal protection to Iraqi oil revenues held at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, shielding them from being frozen by Iraq\u2019s creditors.<\/p>\n The order is expected to expire in May. If Trump chooses not to renew it, creditors could seek to claim their funds and US courts may issue rulings to freeze Iraqi assets \u2013 disrupting the transfer of funds needed to pay public salaries and potentially bringing the Iraqi economy to a halt.<\/p>\n Separately, the US Treasury designated seven militia commanders belonging to Asa\u2019ib Ahl al-Haq, Kata\u2019ib Hezbollah, Harakat al-Nujaba and Kata\u2019ib Sayyid al-Shuhada on April 17. The State Department issued its own statement confirming the designations \u2013 an unusual step, as Washington typically limits such announcements to the technical details published by the Treasury.<\/p>\n The move suggests the United States intends to continue pursuing Iran-aligned armed factions regardless of the government formation process \u2013 and may be prepared to do so unilaterally, without requesting action from Baghdad.<\/p>\n Al-Sudani is attempting to manage a balance between Iran-backed armed factions and the US government, both of which are influential in his pursuit of a second term \u2013 a balancing act that does not appear to be succeeding.<\/p>\n In February, before the US-Israeli war on Iran, al-Sudani\u2019s government awarded contracts to the American oil company Chevron to manage oil fields in Basra, Dhi Qar and Salahuddin. The agreements also included the transfer of management of West Qurna-2 \u2013 one of Iraq\u2019s largest oil fields \u2013 from Russia\u2019s Lukoil, which had withdrawn following sanctions.<\/p>\n The signing was in the presence of ambassador Barrack and Joshua Harris, the US charge d\u2019affaires in Baghdad. However, these contracts remain legally non-binding, as they were concluded under a caretaker government and require a fully empowered administration to ratify them.<\/p>\n At the same time, al-Sudani authorised the PMF to respond to US strikes targeting its positions and allowed militia personnel to shelter inside Iraqi army installations \u2013 facilities the United States had previously avoided targeting.<\/p>\n The US State Department summoned Iraqi Ambassador Nizar al-Khairallah for the first time since 2003 and delivered a formal protest over what it described as the Iraqi government\u2019s failure to protect diplomatic missions.<\/p>\n The summons followed an unsuccessful assassination attempt on a US diplomatic convoy on April 8, for which no group has claimed responsibility. Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the UAE summoned their respective Iraqi ambassadors and issued similar protests.<\/p>\n \u201cThere is no legal framework for foreign officials to discuss a sovereign Iraqi matter. The Iraqi political class continuously violates the constitution. They must recommit to the constitutional path: tasking the nominee of the largest bloc within 15 days. As for trying to please the Iranians or the Americans, waiting for the outcome of a regional war to choose an Iraqi prime minister \u2013 that is disgraceful,\u201d said Meitham al-Khalkhali, a lawyer and political analyst.<\/p>\n While Iraq\u2019s political leaders navigate between Tehran and Washington over who will lead the next government, Iraqis have been contending with increasing economic pressures even before the Iran war that require a fully empowered government to address.<\/p>\n New customs tariffs that took effect on January 1, with rates reaching as high as 30 percent on some goods, have sharply increased the cost of imports \u2013 from electrical appliances and furniture to vehicles.<\/p>\n A reinstated 20 percent sales tax on mobile phone recharge cards has added to the burden.<\/p>\n In February, traders went on nationwide strike, closing major commercial districts in Baghdad, Basra, Mosul and Kirkuk. Shop owners hung banners reading \u201ccustoms fees are killing citizens.\u201d<\/p>\n Traders in Mosul reported that the cost of importing a single shipping container had jumped from around five million dinars ($3800) to as much as 60 million ($45,662). Iraq carries more than 90 trillion dinars ($69bn) in debt, and its state budget remains dependent on oil for roughly 90 percent of revenues \u2013 all while the country has been without a fully functioning government for over five months.<\/p>\n \u201cThe sovereignty discourse adopted by the Coordination Framework loses its meaning when it is met with implicit acceptance \u2013 and sometimes direct requests \u2013 for Iranian and American influence over government formation,\u201d said Azeez Al-Rubaye, the secretary-general of the opposition National Line movement party.<\/p>\n \u201cThe problem is not the existence of international interests, that is an undeniable reality. The problem is the inability of domestic actors to produce an independent national formula that manages these interests without becoming their instrument,\u201d he told Al Jazeera.<\/p>\n Baghdad, Iraq \u2013 It\u2019s been more than five months since Iraq\u2019s parliamentary elections, but the Coordination Framework \u2013 the largest parliamentary bloc of Shia parties \u2013 has failed to choose its prime ministerial candidate amid internal power struggles. The incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who is eyeing a second term, is facing a challenge […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":19632,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-19631","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-middle-east-news"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19631","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=19631"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/19631\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/19632"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=19631"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=19631"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/inernews.online\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=19631"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}Recommended Stories <\/h2>\n
![\"Maliki\"](\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/AP26024684701480-1776687132.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C513&quality=80\")
What does the Framework want?<\/h2>\n
The US position<\/h2>\n
Al-Sudani and the sovereignty question<\/h2>\n
The growing woes for ordinary Iraqis<\/h2>\n
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